A.Z., a Moroccan-born Muslim with a high-ranking position in a multinational company, and his wife A.M.R. were arrested in 2016 in an anti-jihadist operation in Pinto, Spain. They were accused of indoctrination and glorification of jihadist terrorism, convicted in 2018, and acquitted in 2019 after the Supreme Court ordered a retrial due to procedural guarantees not being respected. A.Z. spent three years in provisional detention under isolation and FIES-3, while A.M.R. spent nearly a year in detention. Their children were cared for by grandparents in Morocco. Upon release, A.Z. was certified with a 76% disability due to his detention and time in prison. In November 2022, the Contencioso-Administrativo Chamber of the National Court condemned Spain to pay the family nearly half a million euros in compensation for wrongful imprisonment. The family is currently trying to rebuild their lives.

Daniel Esteve, leader of Desokupa, and others have been summoned to testify in a Madrid court regarding the illegal eviction of the social center La Pluma in June 2018. The eviction involved homophobic insults and violence. The property is owned by ZZ Inmobiliari Proxima, linked to the Fernández Luengo family, who also own hairdressing chains Marco Aldany and Rizos. The police contradicted the property owner's account of the eviction, and the LGBTQ+ community in Madrid has expressed support for the legal action against such companies.

Activists from the Platform for People Affected by Mortgages (PAH) and the Tenants' Union occupied the offices of the American investment fund Cerberus for six hours, securing a meeting on April 7 to discuss the situation of 25 families threatened with eviction from their homes. Cerberus, which has been acquiring properties from Banco Santander, Sabadell, and BBVA across the Community of Madrid, has informed tenants that their leases will not be renewed. The PAH criticizes Cerberus for its practices, including alleged harassment to force tenants out. The action is part of the ongoing 'War on Cerberus' campaign, highlighting the fund's speculative activities and lack of social responsibility.

Dmitry Volovikov, a 30-year-old from Baskortostán, Russia, fled to Spain to avoid being conscripted into the war against Ukraine. He describes the Russian government's coercive recruitment practices, despite official statements claiming only those with military experience would be drafted. Volovikov, who had been living in Saint Petersburg, left behind friends and family and is now seeking refugee status in Spain. He recounts the difficulties of living in Russia during the war, the social pressures to conform, and the fear of openly opposing the government. He is currently awaiting an asylum interview and is unable to work, relying on assistance from organizations like CEAR and the kindness of locals.

Adrián Sas, an activist involved in the Catalan independence movement, could be the first person imprisoned for protests on the first anniversary of the October 1st referendum. He was sentenced to three and a half years for aggravated assault on authority and injuries by the Audiencia Provincial de Barcelona. The sentence was confirmed by the Tribunal Superior de Justicia de Catalunya, and Sas is awaiting a decision on his appeal to the Tribunal Supremo. He refuses to voluntarily enter prison and does not seek an individual pardon, advocating for a total amnesty for political prisoners.

Nine years after the eviction of Can Piella, a collective project that revived an abandoned farmhouse near Barcelona, five individuals involved face trial for resistance and assault on authority, with potential penalties including prison and fines. The project, which lasted three years, became a reference in self-management and agroecology. Despite attempts to negotiate with the property's new owners, the Grupo Alcaraz, and significant community support, the eviction proceeded. The legal process continues, with the trial set for April 5, and the defendants have launched a campaign for financial support. Can Piella, no longer owned by Grupo Alcaraz but by a bank, still hosts social projects, and the original members continue to work on alternative living projects.

Organizations advocating for freedom of information are concerned about the effectiveness of Spain's new whistleblower protection law, which they believe is insufficient. The law, mandated by the European Union, only protects whistleblowers who obtain information in their work environment and only if the information reveals serious crimes. It does not exempt whistleblowers from criminal responsibility on how they obtained the information. Critics argue that without an absolute excuse in the Penal Code, whistleblowers will still be vulnerable to prosecution for revealing secrets. The law has passed the Congress and is now heading to the Senate for further amendments.

Graviela González Sánchez experienced police violence after celebrating her wedding anniversary at a nightclub in Alcobendas, resulting in hospitalization and a seven-centimeter facial wound requiring stitches. The incident involved discriminatory remarks by the police, who refused to call an ambulance when Graviela fainted. Graviela and her friend Alexandra Aguero, who was also assaulted, filed a complaint against the police. Graviela vows to pursue her rights to the end, despite the fear that often prevents victims from reporting such incidents.

Alexander Vasudevan, an associate professor of human geography at the University of Oxford, has studied the impact of squatting on urban development for 15 years. His book 'La ciudad autónoma' explores how squatting has shaped cities like New York, Berlin, Copenhagen, and Amsterdam. The book, originally published in 2017 and recently translated into Spanish by Alianza Editorial, argues that squatting has often been at the forefront of urban regeneration and gentrification processes. Vasudevan discusses the historical context of squatting in response to housing crises and its role in creating alternative community infrastructures. He also touches on the criminalization of squatting in places like the UK and the Netherlands, and the paradox of squatters inadvertently paving the way for gentrification.

Mariló Gorostiaga, detained in 1994 and subjected to torture, is part of the Red de Personas Torturadas en Navarra, which aims to bring visibility to the reality of torture in Navarra. A report by the Instituto Vasco de Criminología reveals at least 676 people were tortured in Navarra from the start of democracy until 2015, with an additional 200 cases between 1960 and 1978. The network, formed around 2018, seeks recognition, repair, and non-repetition rather than punitive justice. Gorostiaga criticizes the lack of investigation into her torture and the broader issue of systemic torture in Spain.

The Education Department is progressing with improvements to its contracting system, including automation and integration of applications, avoiding information duplication, and generating documentation about the process. The department's efforts have resulted in only 13 administrative appeals and 99% of appointments being made within the first or second working day, positively impacting the quality of the educational system.

In Navarre, eleven business groups, through 15 companies, own 18% of the 12,167 homes registered for rent, with Adania Grupo Empresarial and Caja Rural de Navarra being the largest private landlords. Blackstone, through Testa Residencial, and the German consultant Catella are the foreign companies with significant rental properties. Blackstone has been involved in rental conflicts, notably attempting to raise rents by nearly 50% during the Covid-19 pandemic. Navarra de Suelo y Vivienda, a public entity, is the largest landlord in the region. The housing rights collective Haritu criticizes the lack of public housing and the difficult conditions for migrants who often overpay for substandard accommodations.

An investigation requested information through Transparency portals about legal entities with more than 50 rented properties in autonomous communities where rental deposit registration is mandatory. The data from Aragon, provided by the Servicio de Vivienda Social de la Dirección General de Vivienda y Rehabilitación as of May 12, 2023, included the social denomination of the legal entities, the number of rented properties, and the total amount of deposited bonds. Additional information was obtained from Suelo y Vivienda de Aragón and through a second request to the Aragonese Transparency portal. Civio identified the parent companies of the legal entities using various sources, noting if they were publicly traded real estate investment trusts (socimi) or Luxembourg financial participation companies (soparfi) due to their common fiscal benefits.

In the Basque Country, 22 public companies and entities hold over 50 rented homes each, accounting for more than 17% of the region's 75,000 rented dwellings. The majority are public housing, with the Basque Government being the largest landlord. In contrast to Madrid and Catalonia, where there are 317 and 252 major private housing holders respectively, the Basque Country has only 15. The American real estate firm CBRE, through Lazora SII and Inmobiliaria Vascongada, and financial entities like Kutxabank, CaixaBank, and Blackstone are significant private holders. The Basque Country's rental market is among Spain's most expensive, with no housing available for rent under 600 euros in provincial capitals. The Basque Housing Law of 2015, which was the first to develop the constitutional right to housing, is not fully effective due to low-income thresholds and long waiting periods for protected housing, leaving many without access to affordable housing.

Since 2015, the National Police of Spain, Generalitat de Catalunya, and Madrid City Council have been the top spenders on taser guns, accounting for 81.19% of the public investment in these weapons. The National Police's largest contract was for 1.73 million euros with Nidec in 2020. Despite the investment, the use of tasers is not widespread, with only 150 in use due to the requirement of compatible cameras. The use of taser guns is controversial, with organizations like Jupol advocating for their safety benefits, while others like Iridia and Amnesty International warn against their potential lethality and misuse. Municipalities have also been purchasing tasers, with varying levels of control over their use. Training for taser use is provided by companies like Nidec, Saborit, and Telefónica, with costs varying across different contracts.

On March 21, activists from the Anti-Racist Movement of Madrid protested at the Ministry of Equality, demanding the resignation of Interior Minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska and Equality Minister Irene Montero for their roles in the June 2022 Melilla massacre. The protest coincided with the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the inauguration of the III Anti-Racist Week. The activists criticized Unidas Podemos for not supporting a parliamentary investigation into the events, despite earlier calls for an independent inquiry by Montero. The movement's manifesto accused Unidas Podemos of forming a pact with the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party to prevent parliamentary reproach and ensure impunity for human rights violations.

Emilio Hellín Moro, a former member of the Spanish far-right party Fuerza Nueva, was involved in the kidnapping and murder of Yolanda González in 1980. After being sentenced to 43 years in prison, he escaped and fled to Paraguay during Alfredo Stroessner's dictatorship, a haven for far-right individuals. In Paraguay, Hellín established businesses and reportedly had connections with the local government and police. He was eventually extradited back to Spain in 1990, served part of his sentence, and was released. Hellín changed his name to Luis Enrique Hellín and became a forensic computer expert, working with various Spanish security forces and as a court expert. His past resurfaced in media reports, but he continues to work in technology, maintaining a low profile.

The Madrid Assembly is set to vote on the Omnibus Law, which aims to modify 33 regional laws and other regulations, on December 15, 2022. Despite 600 objections and 50,000 signatures calling for its withdrawal, the law is expected to pass with support from the PP and Vox. Critics, including Quique Villalobos of the FRAVM and Joaquín Villena of the Madrid Health Centers Platform, argue the law will reduce administrative controls, further privatize healthcare, and harm the environment. The law also allows for changes in urban planning, such as eliminating the requirement for developers to allocate land for public facilities, and introduces a public-private partnership model for managing urban licenses.

Six individuals face imprisonment or a €110,000 fine for rebuilding Fraguas, a town in Guadalajara, Spain, demolished in the 1960s and later used for military practices. They started a neo-rural life project in 2013, rebuilding houses, cultivating gardens, and reforesting with native trees. Despite their efforts, the Government of Castilla-La Mancha sued them, resulting in a 2018 conviction for crimes against the territory. Experts, including those from the CSIC and the University of Zaragoza, argue that the demolition is illegal and a loss of heritage. A multidisciplinary group from the University of Zaragoza is the last hope to prevent the demolition and the imprisonment of the settlers.

Michel Wallemacq, the former head of operations at UC Global, testified in a Spanish court regarding allegations that the security company spied on Julian Assange during his asylum at the Ecuadorian Embassy in London. Wallemacq denied claims that UC Global conducted espionage for the CIA, stating that any surveillance was done under the orders of Ecuador's intelligence services. The court is investigating a criminal complaint filed by Assange against UC Global and its founder David Morales. Two anonymous former UC Global staff have alleged that surveillance materials were provided to the CIA. The article also mentions upcoming testimonies by lawyer Melinda Taylor and Italian journalist Stefania Maurizi, who were both allegedly spied on by UC Global. The case is part of the broader context of Assange's potential extradition to the US, where he faces charges under the Espionage Act and the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act.

Gabriel Pombo da Silva, a Galician anarchist, has spent over 30 years of his life in prison for various crimes committed in the 90s. Despite claims by his lawyer, Manuel Chao Do Barro, that his sentences are extinct or prescribed, he remains incarcerated in Mansilla de las Mulas prison in León, Spain. Born into a family with communist and socialist leanings, Gabriel's life has been marked by his involvement in radical actions and his time in prison, where he has been subjected to systematic torture and isolation. After a brief period of freedom, he was arrested again in Portugal and extradited to Spain during the pandemic. He is currently studying the Middle Ages while in prison and awaiting the outcome of legal battles over the application of the principle of specialty and the accumulation of his sentences.

Grifols, a multinational pharmaceutical company originating from Catalonia, Spain, has become a leading firm in Europe for blood derivatives and ranks third globally, only surpassed by American companies CSL Behring and Shire. Despite its Spanish roots, Grifols has a significant presence in the United States, where it employs the majority of its workforce, pays over 80% of its taxes, and generates 66.5% of its business volume. The company has faced criticism for its tax optimization strategies, particularly in Ireland and the U.S., and for maintaining a substantial part of its operations outside of Spain. Grifols has also been involved in lobbying activities within the European Union and has received public subsidies for various projects.