Dozens of Algerian migrants are detained in Libyan detention centers after being intercepted by Libyan coastguards while attempting to cross to Europe. The group, which includes scores of Moroccans and Algerians, was picked up near Az-Zawiyah and held at the al-Nasr detention center before 22 Algerians were transferred to Tripoli's Tariq Essika detention center. Algerian authorities are in the process of deporting the migrants, who face prison sentences for illegal emigration and traveling to a conflict zone, as per Algerian law. Around 1,200 migrants were intercepted by the Algerian coastguard last year, with 85 held this year, and nearly 13,000 Algerians were picked up at European borders in 2014 according to Frontex.

Algeria is facing widespread protests against the government's interest in shale gas exploration due to a drop in oil prices affecting the nation's economy. Despite the government's assurances that shale gas exploitation is not imminent, the public distrusts official statements. Protests began in late 2014 and have since spread across the country, with significant demonstrations in In Salah, Ouargla, and Algiers. The Coordination for Liberties and Democratic Transition (CLDT) has been leading the protests, which have been met with police force. Journalists Farid Abdeladim and Bouzid Ichalalen have reported on the movement, highlighting the government's attempts to suppress dissent and the protesters' determination to continue their fight.

The family of Brahim Aouissaoui, the 21-year-old Tunisian arrested for a knife attack in Nice, France, that resulted in three deaths, maintains his innocence. Aouissaoui was shot and wounded by police and is now hospitalized in Paris. His family, residing in Tunisia, has not received any information about his condition. Aouissaoui had no criminal record in Tunisia and was not known to be radicalized, though he had stopped drinking and smoking marijuana in late 2019. He arrived in France via Italy, where he had worked briefly after a period of medical isolation. Tunisian Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi condemned the attack, and Tunisian authorities are investigating a terrorist group that claimed responsibility for the incident.

Brahim Aouissaoui, a 21-year-old Tunisian man, allegedly killed three people in a knife attack in a church in Nice, France. Tunisian investigators found no evidence of radicalization in Tunisia, speculating that he may have been radicalized in Italy. Aouissaoui lived an ordinary life in Sfax, Tunisia, and had a history of selling contraband fuel. He quit drinking and smoking marijuana in late 2019, but showed no signs of extremism. Aouissaoui traveled to Italy and then to France, where he was shot by police and is currently hospitalized. His family denies his involvement in the attack, and French investigators have not yet interrogated him due to his health condition.

Tunisians continue to protest against austerity measures, with calls for renewed rallies and a nationwide march planned for the upcoming Sunday, coinciding with the seventh anniversary of the 2011 revolution. Violent protests have occurred throughout the week, resulting in nearly 800 detentions and one death, which authorities deny was caused by police. Amnesty International and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, have condemned the use of excessive force. The government accuses the opposition, particularly the Popular Front, of inciting violence, an accusation the opposition denies. Economic experts attribute austerity measures to the need to satisfy financial partners, citing decreased tourism and foreign investment.

Abdulrahman Sewehli, president of the Libyan State Council, criticized foreign interference in Libyan affairs during an interview with The New Arab. He highlighted the negative consequences of such interference and suggested that if external support to rival groups ceased, Libya could resolve its problems internally. Sewehli discussed the role of various countries, including Russia and Italy, in Libyan politics but denied any one-sided support from Russia and exaggerated military presence of Italy in Libya. He emphasized the importance of following the Skhirat agreement for a political solution and the role of the Libyan State Council and the Tobruk-based House of Representatives in determining Libya's future.

Anis Amri, a 24-year-old Tunisian, is the alleged perpetrator of the Berlin attack that killed 12 people. Originally from Oueslatia, Tunisia, Amri was known to have had troubles with Tunisian justice before leaving for Italy in 2011. In Italy, he was imprisoned for arson and later moved to Germany, where he was suspected of being connected to Islamic State recruiter Abu Walaa. Despite his criminal past, those who knew him, including his family, are shocked by the allegations and remember him as someone who liked to party and had no religious beliefs. Amri was shot dead by police in Milan after the report was filed.

Mohamed Abdelaziz, the late President of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic and leader of the Polisario Front, is remembered for his dedication to the Sahrawi people's struggle for independence from Moroccan occupation. Despite the failure of the United Nations to hold a promised referendum, Abdelaziz remained committed to peaceful resolution. His leadership saw the SADR gain recognition and membership in the African Union, and he was repeatedly elected to its leadership. Abdelaziz's governance promoted equality, with women enjoying the same rights as men, and resulted in high literacy rates among Sahrawis. His death is seen as a significant loss for Africa.

The article by Massinissa Benlakehal discusses the recent reshuffles within the Algerian military intelligence service, DRS, following the retirement of General Mohamed Mediene, also known as General Toufik. President Bouteflika has spoken about these changes as a means to adapt the intelligence services to ongoing national political changes. The article suggests that there is an underlying power struggle between the presidential clan and the intelligence services. It also touches on the broader implications of these changes for Algeria's political system, economy, and the public's understanding of governance. The article includes perspectives from various individuals, including a former security officer, a shop owner, and a journalist, highlighting the complexities and potential consequences of the military's withdrawal from political life and the challenges facing Algeria, such as the need for a free judicial system and the impact of falling oil prices on the economy.

The article discusses the perilous journey of African migrants attempting to reach Europe through the Algerian desert. On May 4, 13 migrants were found dead near the Algeria-Niger border, with more than 90 deaths reported last October. The migrants, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa, are often abandoned by smugglers in harsh conditions. Algerian army forces and the Nigerien army launched rescue operations. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) expressed concern for the migrants' wellbeing and detailed their efforts to provide aid. The article also mentions recent incidents of migrants attempting to enter Europe through Spain and a boat sinking off Libya's coast. The Italian authorities reported a significant increase in migrant arrivals in 2014.

The article discusses the impact of the abduction and killing of French hiker Herve Gourdel by the Jund al-Khalifa group in Algeria's Kabylia mountains. The incident has reignited fears among Algerians, reminiscent of the country's civil war era. The group, which has pledged allegiance to the Islamic State, is seen as a serious threat. The article also touches on skepticism among journalists and politicians regarding the government's role in the narrative of terrorism. The killing has had a detrimental effect on Algeria's tourism industry, particularly in the Saharan region, with many cancellations from foreign tourists following travel warnings. The local economy, which relies heavily on tourism, faces significant challenges due to the perceived security risks.

The article discusses the reaction in Algeria to the Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris, drawing parallels to Algeria's own history of violence against journalists, particularly during the 'Black Decade' of the 1990s. It mentions a specific incident in 1994 where Hebdo Libere's office was attacked, resulting in the death of two individuals. The article highlights the ongoing danger to journalists in Algeria, noting that 58 journalists have been killed since 1992. It also touches on the Algerian origin of the Kouachi brothers, who carried out the Paris attacks, and the mixed reactions within Algeria, from condemnation to justification of the attacks. The piece underscores the lack of international attention to the plight of Algerian journalists compared to their French counterparts.

The article discusses the enthusiasm for football in Algeria, particularly during the African Cup of Nations, where the national team, the Desert Foxes, is competing. Despite heavy rain and late hours, fans in Algiers celebrated the team's victory against South Africa. However, in the southern city of Ghardaia, ethnic tensions between Berber Mozabites and Chaamba Arabs have dampened the celebrations. A Mozabite construction worker named Mustapha expresses his disinterest in the team, feeling it does not represent his community, especially after recent violent clashes. The article also touches on the anticipation and anxiety surrounding Algeria's upcoming matches, with fans showing a mix of confidence and concern.

Algerian authorities have blocked a conference of the Coordination for Liberties and Democratic Transition (CLDT), an opposition coalition, without public explanation, despite prior approval. Djilali Sofiane of the Jil Jadeed party, a CLDT faction, claims this is a political move to stifle serious opposition. The CLDT has called the ban unconstitutional and is organizing protests, including a march in Algiers and nationwide sit-ins against shale gas extraction in In Salah. The government remains unyielding, but the opposition's actions may test its popular support and the government's resolve. The CLDT, formed in 2012, seeks to end political stalemate and create a cohesive opposition, demanding a transitional government and electoral reforms, which the government has so far resisted.

Renewed clashes in Ghardaia, Algeria, between Berber Mozabites and Chaamba Arabs have cast doubt on the effectiveness of government-led peace efforts. The conflict, rooted in ethnic tensions and competition over resources, has escalated with recent violence involving high school students, resulting in deaths, injuries, and property damage. Despite a peace agreement in 2008 and various government attempts at reconciliation, the situation remains unresolved. The violence has also damaged historic sites in Ghardaia's M'zab valley, a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Local leaders express skepticism about the state's role and the prospects for a lasting solution. The government's recent measures, including a proposition to build 30,000 houses, have been criticized as insufficient to address the deeper issues at play.

The article reports on the deployment of the Algerian army to the Ghardaia province following deadly clashes between Mozabite Berbers and Chaamba Arabs, which resulted in over 20 deaths and 300 injuries. The conflict, rooted in historical land disputes and ethnic tensions, has escalated despite previous government efforts to mediate. The article includes perspectives from local officials, a researcher, and community members, highlighting the complexity of the situation and the challenges in achieving a lasting resolution. The government's response, including the arrest of community leaders and a ban on public demonstrations, is also discussed.

The article discusses the arrest of Algeria's former anti-terrorism chief, Abdelkader Ait-Ouarab, also known as General Hassan, and the reorganisation of the country's military and counter-terrorism agencies. Security expert Ali Zaoui refutes the speculation that President Abdelaziz Bouteflika is preparing for a power struggle or a putsch, emphasizing that the arrest and changes within the military are not indicative of internal power consolidation. Zaoui warns that misinterpretations of these events could deter foreign investment and cause economic harm. He also explains that the restructuring is part of a modernisation effort to professionalise the military and remove it from domestic political life. The article also touches on the DRS intelligence agency's loss of power to conduct judicial probes into corruption and the reallocation of the Special Intervention Group (GIS) to the ministry of defence.

Algeria has decided not to join a unified pan-Arab military force, opting instead to provide limited logistical support. The country has a history of counter-terrorism efforts, particularly during the 1990s, and is focused on maintaining security within its own borders, which include regions adjacent to unstable neighbors like Libya, Mali, Niger, and Tunisia. Political analyst Hocine Bellaloufi explains that Algeria's cautious approach is due to the potential sectarian nature of conflicts in the region and the desire to avoid military entanglements abroad. Algeria's foreign minister, Ramtane Lamamra, has stated that while Algeria will not send troops outside its borders, it may offer logistical support. The country's stance is influenced by its past experiences with terrorism and its priority on national security over regional military initiatives.

Algerian universities have been experiencing increasing unrest, with students, professors, and administrators expressing discontent since the early 2000s. The recent protests have intensified over the past four years, with students demanding better conditions and recognition of their degrees. The unrest is part of broader societal issues, including demands for housing and infrastructure. A significant point of contention is the non-recognition of the LMD master's degree by employers and professional associations. Protests have occurred in various universities, including the University of Constantine and the Mouloud Mammeri University of Tizi-ouzou, where students are also protesting against the reduction of psychiatric residency positions and poor conditions at the medical school.